As a young man, Benito Mussolini dreamed neither of money nor a grand lifestyle; he longed solely for ultimate power in an influential Italy. After his time in the Italian military, Mussolini found the Fascist ideals of strict regulations and mindless obedience appealing. As he rose to power, Mussolini indeed aimed to impose these measures upon the common citizen and hold complete control over his public. His governing philosophy did involve terrorizing the public to a small extent, but not to the degree of importance it held in Nazi Germany or Communist Russia. The part of violence was, at least in his climb to power and early years as dictator, subtle and sparingly used. The threat of torture and terror lurked in the shadows, gently encouraging the public to think synonymously with the Government. Those who dissented were not made a public example of, instead they found themselves pushed to the background, purged from existence; exiled rather than executed. Italian fascists aimed not to scare the public into obedience, but rather earn their devotion out of love for and appreciation of the Fascist morals. In place of terror, Mussolini used a different set of tools to gain popularity. The Fascist party launched an elaborate propaganda scheme that stimulated the Nationalist spirit, encompassed all aspects of media, encouraged Fascist youth activities and education, and in some places, rewrote culture to incorporate the Fascist way of life into Italy. Designed as a philosophy and a way of life, Mussolini used the philosophy of Fascism as a tool to strengthen Italy and give it a fortified nationalistic identity.
The Fascist government used different types of media to build up its popularity. Mussolini utilized one new method; film, as an effective propaganda tool. Italian cinema during the Fascist regime, unlike the German and Russian industries, did not solely consist of overt propaganda. The government allowed any film in cinemas as long as the movie did not discredit Fascist views or undermine the Nationalist spirit. That said, apart from the so called “white telephone” romantic comedies, Italian cinema of the era did, for the most part, broadcast a subtle Fascist message. Films centered directly around Fascists were comparatively rare, however, and only a few popular films sported a war-time fascist plot. The government encouraged filmmakers to include Fascist propaganda into their movies, and those who heralded the cause had the opportunity to gain fully sponsored funding. Mussolini also attempted to filter the content and screenings of foreign films in Italy, but they remained so popular that the campaign ended with a compromised law stating at that least 10% of films shown in Italy had to be produced in the county (Travis). Movies filmed in Italy attempted to emulate the Hollywood style and gain similar recognition; although in this endeavor they almost singularly failed. The dictator saw himself as a patron of the arts and films. During 1937, in efforts to continue this effect, Mussolini oversaw the opening of Italy’s first film studio. Named Cinecitta, this studio endeavored to pump out movies which, if not pure propaganda, at least included Fascist morals and lessons of the cause’s ideals. Newsreels, shown previous to films, contained the true propaganda. These edited reports allowed the government to rewrite current events to their liking and influence the public’s conception of Italy’s state. The subtle propaganda of Italian films reflected the whole Fascist approach to publicity; not to terrorize or batter ideals into the people, but instead to push gently from all directions.
The media displayed Fascism two opposite ways; structured and militaristic, and conversely as a gentle and liberal way of life. Film often took the latter approach, but radio, another medium utilized by the fascist government with propagandistic aims, took the Nationalistic approach. The airwaves burst with passion-filled speeches by Il Duce; their beloved ruler Mussolini, or interviews between himself and journalists for “interviews, [he knew], are the best of all possible forms of propaganda; thus he [was] lavish with them” (Gunther). Spirited marches crowded out other music. Gionvinezza, the adopted Fascist anthem which spoke of youth, strength, and other fascist ideals, found the most popularity. Radio enabled the party to reach out to each and every family, all over the nation in an economical and revolutionary way. This new media allowed the Fascists to control the spin on events or news, and infuse the public with ideas of Nationalism to subsequently inflate their opinion of Italy’s standing in world politics.
Italy’s numerous political papers and magazines published further biased articles and pictures. Mussolini’s political roots lay in this area of the media; his ambitious career started when he became the head editor of Avanti!, a popular socialist magazine. Throughout his rise to power, he rallied his supporters and spread his ideas by writing political columns and using party papers to his own ends. Mussolini’s written word, thoroughly infused with spirit, raised followers to stand behind him. In 1914, after splitting away from the Socialist party, he founded Il Popolo d’Italia; or The People of Italy (34 Hoyt). This paper became the vehicle for Fascist ideology and Mussolini’s personal view on world and local events. Later, even as dictator Mussolini had a hand in his image in the press. Nonsensical laws were passed, such as the mandate that Mussolini’s name should always be written in capital, and that pictures of him should never show him in an unflattering or in a degrading way. Perhaps the way the Fascists made themselves most known in Italian press was through censorship. In July 1923, a law passed that stated officials had the authorization to censor papers and fine owners in the case that their journals “damage[ed] national credit at home or abroad, alarm[ed] and dismay[ed] public opinion, and so disturb[ed] order” (195 Bosworth).
Fascist workers plastered posters on every bare surface. Most sported a powerful picture of Mussolini accompanied by a slogan in the vein of “Book and rifle, perfect fascist” or “Mussolini is always right”. The slogan that maintains the most rhetoric in English -and indeed was the most oft repeated in Italy- states plainly Mussolini’s goal for his country; “Believe, obey, fight”. Other symbols included the fasces of ancient Rome, the namesake of the Fascist party. Stores offered discounts on black shirts (the unofficial uniform of the perfect fascist) and every flag pole carried a Fascist flag. Even a symbol as ludicrous as the baldness of Mussolini’s head gained respect and widespread admiration.
Everywhere people heralded the revolution as a throwback to the glory of ancient Rome. “The prevailing myth on which Fascist propaganda focused was that of ancient Rome, which identified Fascism as the recreation of a glorious and exalted past, and also justified imperialist expansion” (Bloom). The Italian public dreamed of reconquering a Roman empire, and hoped to command the same respect from the rest of the world their predecessors had. Propaganda encouraged the idea of Italian primacy and the theory that Italy would regain her rightful place amongst the highest powers of the world. The Third Empire, as citizens commonly called the fascist era, fostered immense hopes for glory. Mussolini attempted to tap into this nostalgic dream of glory by presenting himself as a father figure and pressing old ideals of “La Religione, La Patria, e La Famiglia”: Religion, Homeland, and Family. The common people embraced this projection and viewed Mussolini as a father of Italy, the very embodiment of revolution, Rome, and Italy itself.
As Fascist popularity grew in the 1910s, it mainly found its roots among young men. Fascism appealed to ex-soldiers who appreciated the military qualities of the system. By the time Fascism ruled the country, Mussolini launched several campaigns to infuse this enthusiasm for soldier-like discipline into all the youth of the country. Education alone proved difficult to invade, because the church mainly oversaw education with private schools few and far between. The best the government could do was rewrite school books to be biased towards fascism, even math problems carried a Fascist message.
Because they were unable to infiltrate the schools themselves, Fascists focused their efforts upon extracurricular activities for children. These programs resembled the later Hitler Youth of Nazi Germany in that they sported strictly scheduled activities designed to make the boys soldiers and the girls mothers. Within the OBA, or Opera Nazionale Balilla, there existed seven separate groups for different ages and genders ranging from six years old to the Fascist university system (Manion). All of these groups entailed martial uniforms, sports, Fascist propaganda, and prescribed activities deemed appropriate for Fascist youth. Fascist camps even filled the summers. To encourage young boys to grow up as soldiers and join the OBA, pictures of boys in uniformed regiments became a common sight in propagandistic magazines and posters. Even soldierly toys were encouraged; popular toys included fake submarines, wooden guns, and cannons that shot real projectiles a short distance. Marketing towards the female youth also existed. The youth activities held an appeal in that within the group, girls were allowed to play sports; a rare luxury for that time. Of course the Fascist regime instated physical activity as a way of producing healthy and strong mothers, but young Italian girls viewed it as a modern freedom. Young men in their early twenties were encouraged to continue their Fascist activities at university, with a promise of 50% discount to cinemas if they did so, and further perks if they joined the militia (Bosworth). Pomp to encourage enrollment included the popular annual ceremony that included a member of the oldest Fascist youth group, the Giovane Fascista, handing a rifle to a boy from each of the three younger age groups. This symbol of militarism encouraged the young boys to volunteer for the army and conquer the enemies of Fascism.
Although these groups and camps contained strict rules and regulations in a military style, they stopped short of corporal punishment. Parents in Italy, as a rule, coddled and humored their children, leading most people to disapprove of corporal punishment. In response to this, Mussolini put out images portraying himself as gentle and paternal to children. Indeed, one former fascist youth stated that when Mussolini visited their camp he felt “[he] was not so much standing before [his] chief as in the company of a friend, a dear friend, who was there to console [them] in [those] moments of camp life when [he] felt homesick” (Bosworth 314).
Sport was another facet of the grand Fascist propaganda plan. Mussolini recognized the emotional fervor and national pride that accompanied sports matches of all kinds, as well as the universal appeal. Fascist architects constructed new stadiums where the fascist ideals of youth, physical fitness, and strict training could be displayed prominently. Sports events also made the the perfect vehicle for fascist rallies. An official or prominent Fascist often started a sports match with a speech heavily interspersed with the popular rallying cries of “Eia, eia, eia, alalà!” and “A Noi!”: “The world belongs to us!”.
Fascist celebrations and gatherings occurred often, even aside from sports events. Speeches by Il Duce or other party members rallied the people before leading them in song, marching on a parade, or holding a ceremonial funeral for Fascist “martyrs. The government instituted a few days a year as Fascist holidays. The most popularly celebrated were the “Birth of Rome” the “Befana Fascista” and the annual parade on October 28 in honor of the history-changing March on Rome, the day Mussolini assumed power.
Although Benito Mussolini’s Italy was no where near as tightly run and as controlled as either Nazi Germany or Communist Russia, he did gain national popularity by ways that were at the time revolutionary. Through media and new technology, youth programs and an iconic personality, Mussolini lead Fascism to its place as a totalitarian regime that, at least in its early years, remained popular with its citizens. Despite Italy’s plethora of militaristic and economic failures, the Fascist party managed to maintain its power for nearly thirty years. Mussolini’s sly system of propaganda and philosophy of government revealed itself as especially brilliant by its success in a country that had previously wedded itself to the strong ideals of religion, tradition, and family. Blinding the public with the sole idea that all could agree on; the superiority of Italy, Mussolini tricked an entire Nation into submissiveness for decades.
Sources:
B., Travis. “The Cinema Under Mussolini.” Italian Fascist Propaganda. 22 June 2005. 1 May 2009 .
Bloom, Micki. Fascist Propaganda and the use of Mass Media, Communication and Culture to Propagate an Ideology.” The Florence Newspaper. 1 May 2009 .
Bosworth, R.J.B. Mussolini’s Italy. New York: The Penguin Press, 2006.
Diggins, John P. Mussolini and Fascism. New Jersey: Prinston University Press, 1972.
Fermi, Laura. Mussolini. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1961.
Gallo, Max. Mussolini’s Italy. New York: Macmillan Publishing Co., Inc., 1973.
Gunther, John. “Mussolini.” Harper’s Feb. 1936, CLXXII ed.: 302.
Hoyt, Edwin P. Mussolini’s Empire. N.p.: John Wiley & Sons, Inc, 1994.
Mangion, John. Rise of Fascism in Italy. 2 May 2008. 4 May 2009 .
