When the term “imperialism” is mentioned, we most often think of Europe and the United States with their territories in Asia, Africa, and the South Pacific. However, there was one Asian nation that joined in this Western personified imperialistic boom. Japan was opened up under Western influence, and under Western pressure and the need to survive began the quest toward modernization. This goal was achieved surprisingly fast through the teachings of the West, and Japan’s incredible ability to mold Western models to fit their economic and political needs. A great part of the speedy modernization can also be accredited to the commercial capitalism encouraged during the Tokugawa period.[I] Many historians agree now that the Tokugawa period was the true beginning of modernization. However, it was during the Meiji period, and with the influence and leadership of the West, that the Japanese truly achieved this.
It also didn’t take long for Japan to join the international community in the desire for territorial expansion. Even before Japan had met the Western requirements of modernity it had its eyes cast across the Sea of Japan to Korea and China. Ambitions would only grow, especially after the West finally acknowledged Japan as an economic power to be reckoned with.
Why Imperialism?
Modernization was at the top of Japan’s agenda during the Meiji era. The unequal treaties imposed on them from the West placed them in a humiliating and uncomfortable semi-colonial status, and Japan was intent on shaking those bonds with as much haste as possible. In order to do this, Japan had to establish itself as an equal to the powers of the West. It simply was not content to be subordinate to the Western powers, it wanted to join them; and joining the Western banquet table meant expansion, at least that was what the Western powers were modeling. During the late 1800s and on into the 1900s power in the world meant territory. The more territory a nation had, the more powerful they were. Britain had a massive empire and was still looking to expand; even America had joined in the quest for territory in the East and the Pacific.
However, the choice of imperialism wasn’t merely based on ideology. Japan had several other reasons for their aggressive imperialistic foreign policy, protecting their borders and securing strategic positions, building an economic empire that could support and bolster Japanese wealth, and secure commercial interests.
The first of these goals, protecting Japanese borders and securing strategic positions was geared toward preserving what national independence Japan had left. As Japan saw it, the international community was volatile; and Japan being a small, non-industrialized nation, was at the top of the menu for power hungry Western giants. As such, Japan decided one of the best ways to fend off the threats to their country was to establish a security circle to defend their borders. Later, these same ideals of security and strategy would drive Japan into war with both China and Russia.
Building an economic empire was also a topic that occupied the minds of the oligarchs of Meiji Japan. In order to both expand overseas and at home, Japan needed money, resources, and foodstuffs. This means establishing trade relations and commercial ports from which to sell Japanese goods and import foreign resources, weapons, materials, and the like. Moreover, establishing territories overseas would make available cheap resources that Japan didn’t have readily available as an island nation. In fact, most of Japan’s resources came from overseas sites. This was costly, so it only stood to reason that in establishing extra territories Japan would gain access to costly imports without the cost and difficulty previously experienced. Korea presented a huge opportunity for Japan in terms of resources and commercial interests, which is why it rose to the top of the Japanese agenda early on. However, it wasn’t the first venture Japan would initiate to begin their journey into imperialism.
The Beginnings of Imperialism
One of the major parts of the Meiji agenda was to redefine their borders. This aspect is one of the first moves the Japanese made toward imperialism. In fact, it is also the first move Japan made to secure its borders against a threat that would recur throughout Japanese history, the Russians. It also signaled using a defensive strategy as a reason for imperialistic expansion.
This redefinition of borders claimed Hokkaido and the islands of the Kuril chain (up to Etorofu), and a treaty with Russia secured these territories as Japanese.[II] Yet the victory of gaining Hokkaido came with the price of acclimating the native Ainu to Japanese society, ideology, and culture. The assimilation of the Ainu people was brought about through the establishment of industry and agrarian development within the Hokkaido region. The goal was to promote mainland Japanese citizens to move to the area as entrepreneurs and farmers that would teach the Ainu the Japanese way of life. The government denied the Ainu ethnicity and outlawed traditional Ainu clothing, hairstyles, tattoos, and jewelry. Furthermore, Japanese officials called upon American advisors, well versed in the conquests of the American West, to aid in overpowering the natives.
Another early venture that came about from the Meiji need to draw specific borders of Japanese territory was the debate over Sakhalin and the Kuril islands north of Hokkaido. As mentioned before, Japan already had in their possession the Kuril chain up to Etorofu, but this left a vast chain unaccounted for. Additionally, the large, but wildly untamed, island of Sakhalin was being inhabited by both Japanese and Russian citizens, as well as the native islanders. To the Japanese this left the question of “whose island was it?”
Although the Japanese cared little for the island of Sakhalin, it lay close to Hokkaido, which left open possibility of posing a strategic threat to the newly established Japanese border at Hokkaido. However, mostly the Sakhalin debate was over a matter of pride. Should the Japanese back down from Sakhalin, they might seem tense and uneasy with the Russians; something the new government absolutely did not want. They wanted to seem sure and powerful, even in their early stages. As such, the Japanese decided to go into negotiations with the Russians over the territories of Sakhalin and the remaining Kuril islands. On May 7th of 1875 the Meiji representatives reached a settlement entitled the Treaty of St. Petersburg. The treaty entitled the Japanese the remaining Kuril islands, and conceded Sakhalin, an area of little interest to the Japanese, to the Russians.
Other claims around Japan included the addition of Tsushima into the prefecture of Nagasaki, and the claim of sovereignty over the Ryukyu islands which had formerly been ruled by the Satsuma daimyo domain.[III] While Japan also had its eyes on Taiwan, no move would yet be made that officially landed Taiwan as Japanese territory. That being said, there were ample talks and expeditions concerning the island. The aforementioned addition of Tsushima to Nagasaki prefecture also placed Japanese borders and interests closer to the Chinese tributary Korea. Clearly, Japanese interests overseas were beginning to bloom, and it was an ambitious blossom. An ambitious blossom that would spark the vast number of clashes the Japanese and Chinese would see in the coming years.
A Move on the International Front
It wasn’t long after Japan’s achievement of internal modernization that its imperialistic ambitions began. 1894 marked the signing of revised treaties with Japan by Western powers; it also signaled the beginning of the Sino-Japanese War which would last until 1895. Although it was a relatively short war, it was also a significant one as it centered around Korea. As McClain puts it, “…the government hoped to capture economic privileges and develop commercial interests in Korea in order to buttress Japan’s political and strategic position.”[IV] Even before Emperor Meiji came into power in 1868, Korea had been a point of contention between Japan and China, both vying for political influence and special trade relations. Unfortunately for Japan, China generally got that influence, and in 1894 Japan and China went to war over “proposed administrative and financial reforms in Korea.”[V] Korea was divided over Western influence in Asia. Some were determined to maintain their Confucian-based society and exclude foreigners from their country, others sought reform. China took side with the former group of idealists, while Japan played a role in the later group. However, Japan’s true motivation was a desire for Korea to build up a hard line against outside powers that might prove hostile toward Japan.[VI] In essence, their siding with reformers in Korea was completely strategic. These two sides formed the conflict, but when things got out of hand Japanese oligarch Ito Hirobumi was called in to confer with Li Hongzhang, the man responsible for Korea-China relations. Although an agreement was reached which stipulated that neither Japan nor China would move troops into Korea, or onto the peninsula, without prior written notification.
This first agreement reached at the Tianjin Convention was a shaky one that settled almost nothing for Korea. The political environment there was volatile and chaotic. Even outsiders could see the eminent danger that Korea posed toward Japan. One German Major by the name of Klemens Meckel noted that Korea was “a dagger pointed at the heart of Japan.”[VII]
This dagger finally plunged in the heart of Japan when prominent Korean reformer Kim Ok-kyun was murdered in Shanghai, his body sent back to Korea where it was dismembered. Naturally, the Japanese government and public were appalled as Kim had played a role in the Japanese side of the initial conflict in Korea. Furthermore, Korean peasants, finding faith in a new religion spreading across the country, began to rebel against the traditional Korean government. This came to a head when Korean King Kojong called upon the Chinese, as they generally did, for aid in quashing the rebellion. Unfortunately for China, this meant breaking the Tianjin agreement, and thus infuriating the Japanese. War was officially declared between the Chinese and Japanese, and Korea again found themselves awkwardly caught between them.
To the surprise of many, Japan’s first venture into imperialism went in their favor. After a bitter battle, including a decisive naval victory by the Japanese, Japan decided to offer up negotiation to end the war. These negotiations took place at Shimonoseki, in which Ito, who’d previously negotiated with Li years earlier in the signing of the Tianjin agreement, played up his powerful position over China by calling Li to meet him instead of traveling to China as he’d formerly done. Additionally, he slammed Li with set of demands that stunned even the powerhouses in the West. The first of these demands was “the full and complete independence and autonomy of Korea;” the cession “of the Manchurian provice of Liaoning as well as Taiwan and the nearby Pescadores islands; payment for war indemnity amounting to nearly 500 million yen; the opening of four new treaty ports; and the granting of commercial privileges.”[VIII]
The list of demands was truly Ito’s way of asserting the power that Japan had proven they had. Previously a nearly invisible island nation on the international front, the Meiji government took pride in their accomplishment in the Sino-Japanese war. This great sense of pride in the spoils of the war might actually have lasted had a fantatical assassin shot Li. Although Li was wounded below his left eye and not killed, Ito was still compelled to concede to more reasonable terms. In the end Japan gained only Manchuria, the Liaodong Peninsula in territory, and two thirds of the monetary reparations they had demanded. Other claims went unchanged, and the Treaty of Shimonoseki was signed in 1895. Despite the cuts to land gains and monetary compensation, Japan’s victory was still a sizable one, not to mention the West got a wake up call as to what Japan had accomplished and could accomplish in the future.
Korea was a good example of Japan’s motives for imperialism. While initially goals were said to be in the interest of Korean independence, it became clear as time went on that Japan’s true interests were Korean reformation in order to benefit both Japanese and Korean economic interests, as well as create a state that could defend itself. Korea needed to be a strong nation that would provide a buffer between Japan and its neighbors. As Peter Duus puts it, “Without reform the Korean polity would remain easy prey, leaving Japan’s flanks dangerously exposed,” and that “The Japanese made no secret of this rationale for reform and indeed presented such arguments to the Koreans themselves.”[IX] Again, one can see the influence of strategy and border security on the Japanese foreign policy decisions.
In Japan, victory was in the air. National morale and unity rose. Japan was filled with the feeling of patriotism, a patriotism that got a shot in the face when France, Germany, and Russia joined forces to assert the Triple Intervention. The Triple Intervention was a “suggestion” from each the member countries to Japan to return the Liaodong Peninsula to China. While Japan gave it, it did so hesitantly, and after counsel from both Britain and America. The “suggestion” was humiliating and infuriating, but in the end Japan had few options, they could no longer enjoy any territorial spoils from their victory over China. Russia was simply too powerful to fight with…or were they?
A Russian Ambition
While Russia had humiliated the Japanese after the signing of the Treaty of Shimonoseki, Japanese imperialistic ambition was not quashed, not in the least. However, Russia would again get in the way of Japanese interests abroad. After an incident in Korea in which pro-Japanese reformers murdered the Queen, Korean King Kojong sought protection from Russia, which meant inviting Russian forces into Korea. Now not only was Japan at odds with Russia, but Russia was trampling all over Japanese interests. This became especially true when Russia gained commercial rights in northern Korea in the form of mining and timber. Furthermore, Russia was creeping further into China and enjoying the Manchuria territory that they’d forced Japan to give up in the Triple Intervention.
Russia was a powerful nation, even one that America and Britain didn’t want to deal with. Thus, the demands of Russia in China were met with relative ease; and with relative ease Russia was granted the right to construct a railway from Manchuria to Vladivostok.[X] This concession by the Chinese left Japan open and threatened by Russia. A railway made for faster transportation to port areas, and thus faster transport to Japan. To make matters worse, the Russians also demanded China give them leasehold over the Liaodong Peninsula. The Peninsula territory, in conjunction with the railway in Manchuria, and another railway in Harbin, would connect Port Arthur with Russia, thus enhancing Russia’s strategic position.
Needless to say, the Japanese were seething. Not only had their hard won territory been returned to China, but it had been turned into strategic Russian territory. Immediately Japan settled on building up military strength and gaining foreign sympathy and support. While the murdering of Queen Min of Korea had damaged Japan’s international reputation, Japan participated in the Boxer Rebellion in China, and signed the Anglo-Japanese Alliance of 1902 which recognized both Japan and Britain’s interests in China, as well as confirmed Japan’s interests in Korea. Moreover, it gave Japan military support should Russia and an ally attack. This agreement went both ways as well, compelling Japan to support Britain should a Russian attack present itself in concert with an ally. These actions served to secure a place for Japan internationally. It bolstered goodwill for the nation, and won support for them. In China, Japan was able to obtain the right to station troops in the Beijing-Tianjin area as per the Boxer Protocol of 1901.[XI]
All of these preparations seemed to signal Japan’s desire for war with Russia; however, Japan instead sought negotiations with the Western giant. If Japan could only win Korea back they were willing to concede Manchuria as being of special interest to Russia. Despite Japan’s amiable offer, the Russians weren’t willing to budge, and after much consideration and debate Japan decided to stand for their interests. 1904 signaled war between Russia and Japan. To Japan the popular feeling was that the Russians had again left them with few options. Russia’s significant influence in Manchuria left Japan severely vulnerable with their interests in Korea adding insult to injury. Additionally, the Russian czar was stubborn and unwilling to negotiate. While Japan was unsure what kind of a chance they would stand against Russia, they decided on war anyway, and on February 8, 1904 the Japanese navy attacked Russian fleets at Port Arthur and two days later declared war on the Western giant Russia.
On the Russian side, they too stood with hands tied. The Anglo-Japanese Alliance neutralized France and Germany from standing by the side of their ally Russia.[XII] Additionally, Russia found itself without the kind military support it needed in the Liaodong peninsula and had to call on troops from the European part of Russia. However, Russia was the favored power in the Russo-Japanese war as they were a powerful nation with a powerful military.
The Japanese attack on Port Arthur signaled the first phase of the war. From May 1904 to January of the next year the Japanese stubbornly fought to gain the upper hand in the Liaodong peninsula, which pain off when they surrounded the Russian forces who were still waiting for reinforcements. Since the Russians held strategic positions the Japanese had a bitter fight and suffered more casualties than the Russians; however, despite this fact the Russians were forced to surrender when they ran out of food, supplies, and hope. The Japanese took other victories at strategic points around the Liaodong peninsula as well, but the fighting was brutal and massive casualties on both sides were tallied. By spring the Japanese had lost a significant number of officers and enlisted men. The Russians weren’t fairing much better either, however, they held out on the sidelines with reinforcements on the way. The Japanese had won their share of battles, but by spring they lacked a strong enough ground force to finish off the Russians. Instead, another strategy would be used in order to keep the Russians at bay.
In the war against China the Japanese navy had played a crucial role, in the Russo-Japanese war the navy would again take center stage for bringing down the adversaries. With Britain allied with Japan, the Russians were pushed out of both British seas and neutral ports making for a long and arduous voyage to their destination, the Tsushima strait. This long trip allowed for a hefty Japanese fleet to station there and await the Russian fleet with new ships built to kill, and kill they did. Thirty-four ships sank during the battle, and eight left with severe damage. The Russians were unable to continue on, and unable to deliver supplies and reinforcements. However, the Japanese were also stranded on land with too few men and too few supplies. Thus, the Russians and Japanese had fought themselves into a stalemate for which they sought mediation.
American President Theodore Roosevelt mediated the negotiations between Russia and Japan, leaving Japan with Russian acknowledgment of Japanese interests in Korea and a treaty swearing not to interfere with the Japanese in those matters. Additionally, the Japanese took back the Liaodong peninsula which the Russians had demanded they resign during the Triple Intervention; ceased Russians railroad and mining rights in the south of Manchuria; and gained the southern half of Sakhalin.[XIII] The negotiated terms were obviously weightier on the side of the Japanese, which seemed to signal a victory for them. It was an astounding prospect in the eyes of the West as well, that the little “backward” island that Commodore Perry had sailed into years ago had become a world power. Not only that, but that little island had taken down a major world power and turned the tables of international influence. Unfortunately, this recognition from the West had cost Japan a great deal of lives and money. Still, Korea, and the territories of the Liaodong and Manchuria, were again Japanese. Despite wide scale economic losses, and the tragic loss of life, the Japanese imperialism was well on its way. Japan once again had it’s safety net in Korea and treaty it needed to keep others out of the country while they began the reforms that would make Korea a reliable buffer.
Continuing Toward an Empire
Although significant losses were suffered Japan wasn’t ready to give up its nationalistic and imperialist ideologies. To the contrary, it still had a great ideas in store. It took time for Japan to rebuild internally, and the death of Meiji and the ushering in of a new era also occupied the nation for some time. It was now the Taisho era, and Japan was a part of the imperialist movement, a member of “leading imperialist nations.”[XIV] Among these imperialist nations was Britain, still an ally of Japan, they would call for Japanese aid in 1914 when World War I erupted onto the global scene. For Japan there was no question, and they joined the bitter battle on August 23, 1914.[XV] However, the fight wasn’t only a chance to aid an ally, it was a chance to get back at the Germans for their part in the Triple Intervention, as well as milk imperialistic impulses. McClain notes, “…Japan’s foreign minister sent an ultimatum to Berlin announcing his country’s intentions and, in subtle purgation of long-repressed bitterness, inserted into the text some of the exact phrases and language that the Germans had employed when they joined the Triple Intervention…[XVI] It was a sting for the Germans, as was the Twenty-one Demands issued to the Chinese government in 1915.
The Twenty-one Demands was a document which certified Japanese inheritance of all German rights in Shandong, took away the right to give any more coast to another power, and extended the Japanese leasehold over Manchuria that they’d won in the Russo-Japanese war. Other sections of the initial Twenty-one Demands were tossed out due to massive objections by the Chinese; however, after the changes were made the Chinese signed the Twenty-one Demands on May 25, 1915.
While the Japanese fought alongside the Entente, their ambitious imperialistic moves gave off the air of being opportunistic. Entente powers saw the Twenty-one Demands as inappropriate both in time and content. The later Siberian Intervention from 1918 to 1922 would also spark criticism and suspicion of the Japanese from the Entente. During the Paris Peace Conference at the end of the War, the Japanese finally agreed to back down from their “high-handed, expansionistic policies”[XVII] and abide by Wilsonian principles of politics and international relations. After all, the last thing the Japanese wanted was to be slapped with another Triple Intervention. To keep with their newly adopted principles, Japan entered the League of Nations; however, it was to be a rough road for them as the League seemed uninterested in Japanese interests even in the least.
The Manchurian Incident
Japan maintained its place in the League although there was a great deal of criticism over just how much the League really cared for Japanese interests. It seemed that no matter what Japan did or accomplished, they still were not part of the European club, and thus their welfare took last place on League agenda. To the Japanese, this fact was becoming hard to tolerate. Aside from all this, debates ranged within Japan over policy making. Arguments sounded between those pan-asianists and anti-imperialists. Furthermore, Japan had to figure out how to manage industrialization and deal with societal demands. However, before these things could be settled the stock market crashed and left the Japanese economy devastated. Overseas, ideas on policy began to change and without government permission the Japanese army took steps to bring about a new era of imperialism.
On March 1, 1932 Japan established a puppet state in Manchuria which they titled Manchukuo. The Chinese emperor Puyi was placed in charge as regent, but the true power was in the hands of the Japanese. However, before 1931 the Japanese government had been too preoccupied with troubles at home and the international depression to even think about expanding their influence abroad. Instead, one Ishiwara Kanji, an ambitious officer in the Kwantung army instigated and incited the violence that would lead to Japan’s entrance into conflict with China yet again.
In the dead of night violence broke out in Machuria that awoke both Japan and China to rude reality of Ishiwara’s plans. Naturally the Chinese fought back to protect their land and people, but in Japan politicians gathered in haste for meetings that would decide the fate of Manchuria. While there was no certainty in the matter, the Prime Minister did have suspicions that the Chinese were not to blame for the violence. In reaction, he ordered the Japanese military to stand down and stay in place until the situation had been properly dealt with and resolved. But Ishiwara had other plans, with radical beliefs about apocalyptic war that would bring East to clash against West, he sought to empower his nation. So, instead of standing down Ishiwara, with the help and support of other officers, incited yet another incident of violence. After a night of harassment, the commanding general of the Kwantung army decided to heed the advice of his officers, ignore the orders of army minister Minami, and send troops to back up the violence that Ishiwara had started. The result was yet another province taken in the name of Japan. What was worse was that the Japanese public took to the incidents with pleasure. They heard only of the valor of Japanese soldiers defending themselves against aggressive Chinese who’d blown up a portion of the South Manchuria Railway. Really, Japanese soldiers had set off the explosion, all the violence had been provoked by the winning side.
Despite the fact that the Japanese were the aggressors, the Prime Minister found it hard to condemn the actions of Ishiwara and the Kwantung army due to the massive public support for the battles in Manchuria. Not to mention that the Japanese had blown up a portion of the railway that would disable Russia should war arise. It was a successful first step in Ishiwara’s plan, but it wasn’t all. Colonel Doihara a powerful force in the military shared his vision for a puppet state within Japan. Again unable to come to a decision and displeased with the state of things the Prime Minister resigned and gave way to an elderly Prime Minister who simply couldn’t keep up with it all. In the midst of it all, the Kwantung army acted with the permission of the new army minister. After overrunning Harbin early in March, Manchukuo was created. The Kwantung army finally had their dream, a state run by Chinese officials, yet controlled completely by the Japanese. They had their puppet state.
Needless to say, the League of Nations was none to happy about the interference with China’s independence. In fact, critical of Japan and their actions, they launched an investigation. The League settled on the unyielding decision that Japan was in the wrong on all counts, frustrated Japan fought to make the League understand their point of view. They argued that they were looking after the best interests of China, and that Japan’s only goal and duty was to help China. However, the League still held to their decision and in the end Japan ended up leaving the League of Nations.
Manchukuo…A Beginning to War
The establishment of Manchukuo didn’t satiate Japanese ambition for expansion. In fact, it actually made further expansion almost necessary as Japan sought to protect its interests and borders from Russia and aggressive and angry Chinese. This latter group was a rising problem for the Japanese as Chinese nationalism was skyrocketing. Additionally, Mao Zedong and his communist party were coming onto the scene with an army stationed not far from the Manchu border. Each of these new threats seemed to scream for additions to the Kwantung army and for new buffer zones. In May of 1933, after a humiliating bout of Japanese trickery in Heibei province conflict, the Chinese were made to sign the Tanggu Truce which established a new demilitarized zone extending from “the Great Wall to the Beijing Tianjin axis, ceded to the Japanese Army control of strategic mountain passes guarding the eastern approaches to Beijing, and stipulated that the Chinese exercise strict control over anti-Japanese activities, which are the basic cause of Sino-Japanese conflict.”[XVIII]
Unfortunately, this new demilitarized zone wouldn’t end Japanese insecurity, nor would it quell the imperialistic ambitions of the Japanese. Northern China saw Japanese expansion under Colonel Doihara’s provocation. The first of the two treaties forced the Guomindang Party and Nationalist Army of China from Heibei province; the second did the same for the Chahar Province of Mongolia.
The actions of the Kwantung army and the Japanese government in China would eventually erupt in full on war between China and Japan. Years later, after ample expansion, the Japanese would step over into the Western world and attack Pearl Harbor, Hawaii bringing the Americans in the Pacific War (WWII) during which they would continue to expand into Southeast Asia. The end of WWII would signal an end to Japanese imperialism, however, before Japanese defeat they saw great success in South Asian imperialistic ventures.
Conclusion
While Japanese imperialism started out modestly it took off in a fashion that oft placed the Japanese on the opposing side of Western nations. Japanese motives were often questioned, and critics saw the Japanese as allies only in words. Clearly the Japanese overstepped and overstretched their ambitions and their military driven by imperialistic foreign policy, and in the end they would suffer utter and catastrophic defeat for their indiscretions. While the debate still rages over the ethics of dropping the A-bomb as an end to WWII, the end of WWII also signaled the end of Japanese imperialistic foreign policy. The end to Japanese imperialism finally gave China the independence they’d fought for for years. Additionally, Southeastern Asian nations were returned to their former states. However, this wasn’t the case for all Japan’s imperialistic actions. The early domestic changes remain, and the Ainu are now in small numbers and their heritage hardly remembered outside of museums and small Ainu communities. Additionally, relations between Korea and Japan, and China and Japan remain tense. All that being said, Japan did revise its foreign policy and government un
