This research considers the Chinese woman from empress to modern times. Through a careful consideration of what has been written about the historical development of women in China, a more integral understanding of the limits and possibilities of living in this Chinese society will be garnered. Further, by exploring the history of women’s development in Chinese culture, it will be possible to elucidate the specific methods that women have been able to use in an effort to assert their power and authority in society.
In order to begin this investigation, it is first helpful to consider the overall development of Chinese culture and history. Although numerous scholars have attempted to explore Chinese culture and development, it is evident that the mystery surrounding this culture remains a pervasive part of modern understanding of China. According to Wei (1947) “Through many centuries and up until recent times, the Chinese have developed their own civilization in almost complete isolation from the rest of the world except for the most casual contacts, and that only when their civilization had practically taken its definite shape” (p. 1). In the context of modern understanding of Chinese culture, this process of isolation is one that has made it difficult for Western scholars to understand and conceptualize the society and culture that has developed in China. Despite this however, researchers have spent considerable time and energy seeking to better comprehend the culture and history of China.
Research on the origins of Chinese culture suggests that Chinese culture began somewhere around 1500 B.C. (Michael, 1986). However, it was not until 200 B.C. that China is recognized as a unified country with one culture. During this time, Imperial China began to emerge as a dominant cultural and political power in the Far East. As noted by Michael (1986):
Having established their social order, the Chinese came to regard their system as the most civilized form of human communal existence. In the interplay between theirs and neighboring cultures, Chinese order came to influence and dominate the adjacent countries of Central, East, and Southeast Asia, with the result that China’s military and political sway extended through much of historical time beyond China proper over the neighboring peoples of Inner Asia, Northeast Asia and Southeast Asia (p. 8).
This author goes on to note that Imperial China was an empire that was viewed by other developing nations as the one true civilization. As such, the Chinese were able to wield considerable power and influence over the development of neighboring countries, territories and peoples.
When examining the rule of Empress Wu, the ability of this one woman to have such a notable influence over the government of the empire is clearly one that has forced scholars to examine the culture in which women were forced to live during the development of China’s empire. According to Knapp (1992) women were viewed as problematic to the larger context of social and religious development. “Because women represented a threat to the stability of the monastic communities and the discipline practiced therein, chastity was emphasized” (p. 2). Knapp goes on to note that as Confucianism began to spread throughout the country attitudes toward women became even more restrictive. “Confucius ( 551-479 B.C.E.), preacher of a family-style morality focusing…on ethics, virtue, filial and ancestral piety, had virtually no regard for women. Their existence and functions as individuals were reduced to procreation and adherence to the prevailing societal regulations. For Confucius, ‘filial duty and fraternal duty’ were ‘fundamental to Manhood-at-its-best'” (p. 8). Thus, it is not surprising to find that concubines played a significant role in the development of Chinese society.
Knapp goes on to note that the patriarchal culture that had been developed in China serve as the basis for many of the actions that were taken against women. For instance, Knapp reports that, “More commonly…women were subjugated, looked upon as objects for man’s pleasure, and taken or disposed of in any way or form. Whenever a powerful man desired a damsel, he merely had her kidnapped” (p. 15). Women had little, if any say, in what happened to them. Mothers did not have the ability to stop the actions taken against their daughters. Knapp argues that in the patriarchal society that had been created, mothers owed a duty only to their sons. For this reason, women had no means to protect themselves from the wanton desires of men. In this context, it is quite obvious that women became nothing more than sexual commodities for men.
Although the system of patriarchy and filial piety that developed during the Imperial age made it difficult for women to have any real control over their lives or their bodies, Knapp does note that the application of filial piety to the mother-son relationship had a detrimental impact on the development of men as well. “Understandably, a mother’s affection and attention focused mainly on her sons, since filial piety demanded subservience from them. Mother-domination of the son was thus prevalent, and often the man was left psychologically castrated” (p. 16). As such, the cultural system that was created in this context is one that clearly had ramifications for men. In this respect, it is much easier to understand why some men were not as “strong” or “manly” as expected given their overall level of social and cultural freedom. Empress Wu’s husband, was known for having a “weak mind.” It is for this reason, that Wu was able to successfully dominate her husband and take control of the empire.
In addition to the fact that men were psychologically castrated as a result of the methods used by the mother to control her son, Knapp notes that there were a host of social rules that were placed on men in order to ensure that they kept a tight reign on women, especially their wives and concubines. Knapp notes that in one of the ancient texts which prepared men and women for marriage, the following is written:
If a husband does not control his wife, then the rules of conduct manifesting his authority are abandoned and broken. If a wife does not serve her husband, then the proper relationship (between men and women) and the natural order of things are neglected and destroyed. As a matter of fact the purpose of these two (the controlling of women by men, and the serving of men by women) is the same (p. 23).
Thus, men were supposed to ensure the perpetuation of the patriarchal system by controlling the women in their charge. Only by doing so could the natural law of Chinese society be preserved.
Despite the fact that the patriarchal system clearly had ramifications for the development of men, it is clear that that the system had far more implications for women. Knapp further reports that because women were viewed as nothing more than a sexual commodity for men, they were not provided with even the most basic levels of education. “Some liberal scholarly families encouraged their daughters to develop their intellects, but most women lived in the seclusion of domestic duties, incarcerated behind walls and curtains” (p. 44). Additionally girls were often viewed as such a burden to the family that from the early ages of the country’s development infanticide was practiced as a means to ensure that the family would not be overwhelmed by supporting a female child from birth to her marriage. Further while men were given the freedom to travel as they pleased, women were regulated to the home: “While the men could leave their compounds and cities whenever the spirit moved them, the women, particularly those of higher classes, were forced to live a regulated and barriered existence, both physically and symbolically” (p. 44).
The culture that developed during the Imperial age of China’s history was one that was strictly focused on the establishment of religion in the context of society. Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism all became integral parts of Chinese development. While each of these religions utilized a different context for social development, each religious culture that developed in China saw women as a threat to the development of society. As such, deeply rooted methods of social oppression for women were used as a means to both perpetuate religion and ensure the overall development of China as the one true civilization (Michael, 1986). With this in mind, it is not surprising to find that women in ancient Chinese history did not play a central role in the writings and teachings that were produced. However, as history does show, there were a few notable women that did emerge during the Imperial era.
Empress Lu
Knapp (1992) notes that the first empress to come to power during the Imperial Age was Empress Lu (195-179 B.C.). Although women were considered to be both passive and powerless, when Lu’s husband, Emperor Kao Tsu, died unexpectedly, Lu sought to have key members of her husband’s family killed so that she could remain in power. During this time, Lu was able to establish her authority as a ruler. However, “That a widow had tried to do away with members of her husband’s family ran counter to the principle of legitimacy and patriarchal dicta” (p. 14). As such, shortly after taking control of the empire Lu was deposed and killed. In addition. Knapp notes that because of her actions toward her husband’s family, each of the members of Lu’s family were subsequently put to death. Knapp notes that even though Lu had been able to capture the attention of her husband through her stunning beauty and guile, in the end these attributes did not protect Lu from her fate. Despite considerable efforts to remain in power, Empress Lu was unable to hold on to her empire.
Empress Wu
Empress Wu, who ruled during the T’ang Dynasty (624-705) is the only empress that is recognized in Chinese history as a ruler during the Imperial era. According to Michael, Wu Chao, Empress Wu, entered the palace at the age of 12 in 637 as a concubine to Emperor T’ai-tsung. When T’ai-tsung died suddenly at the age of 48, Wu was sent to live in a convent with all of the other concubines. Emperor Kao-tsung visited the convent shortly after replacing T’ai-tsung. During this time, Kao-tsung met Wu, fell in love with her and married her. Empress Wu proved to be a formidable woman: intelligent and beautiful. Michael goes on to note that, Wu was “the daughter of a minister, skilled in literature and history, clever and witty, who soon managed affairs for the weak and indulgent emperor Kao-tsung. After the emperor’s death in 683 she reigned as empress and a few years later, in 690, she placed a formal stamp on her rule by changing the name of the dynasty to Chou…” (p. 111).
Although women in China during the Imperial age assumed a purely submissive role, Empress Wu was able to make notable headway as a female ruler. Mackerras and Tung (1987) in their examination of the rule of Empress Wu argue that this woman was so effective because she, “simply reversed sexual roles and behaved no differently from a male in her position” (p. 65). These authors go on to note that even though images of Wu that have been captured throughout history show her as a benevolent and positive ruler, Wu was in fact known as a harsh ruler that took formidable steps to keep her subjects in line. Further, Mackerras and Tung report that there is an extensive body of pornographic literature which details the sexual exploits of Empress Wu. Wu was known for having a large number of males in her service. She was also reported to be a “nymphomaniac” (p. 66).
Critically reviewing what has been written about Empress Wu, it is evident that her ability to rule the Chinese people in much the same way as a male Emperor gave her the authority to remain in power for a number of decades. While it is indeed evident that Wu was able to assert her power through her position, it is also evident that Wu was able to assert her power through her sexuality. Michael (1986) in his examination of Empress Wu notes that Wu was able to attract the attention of Emperor Kao-tsung because of her stunning beauty. Further, as reported by Mackerras and Tung (1987) Wu used her sexuality as a tool for dominating other male leaders in the empire. Empress Wu was known for keeping a wide range of male lovers. Further she had garnered a reputation as a nymphomaniac. What this effectively suggests is that even though culture dictated the submissiveness of women and the domination of men, women were able to garner some control through the use of their sexuality. For Empress Wu, sexuality was clearly a tool that was utilized to serve a valuable end.
Other scholars examining the reign of Empress Wu note that she was able to take advantage of her husband’s medical problems. According to Benn (2002) “her husband, suffered from a chronic illness, perhaps a stroke, that left him subject to dizziness, paralysis, and impaired vision. He was also weak-willed” (p. 4). Wu took advantage of the situation and chose to rule the empire as the “woman behind the man.” After her husband died, Wu deposed her eldest son, Zhongzong, so that she could place her second son, Ruizong, into power. By placing Ruizong in power, Wu was able to govern again as a reagent to the empire. In 690, Wu deposed Ruizong, formally took over the power of the empire and created the Zhou Dynasty. Wu is the only woman in Imperial China to make such a notable accomplishment. Clearly, Wu was able to wield extraordinary power over her husband, her sons and the formal patriarchal society that had developed during this time period.
Empress Wei
Empress Wei came into power when Zhongzong, Empress Wu’s son, deposed Wu in 705. Empress Wei is noted to have had considerable power over Emperor Zhongzong. Benn (2002) notes that “she [Empress Wei] had given him [Zhongzong] steadfast support and talked him out of committing suicide while he was in exile between 684 and 698. Much like his father however, Zhongzong was considered to be “weak of mind.” Empress Wei was able to take advantage of this situation by promoting the development of her daughters in the larger context of the empire. “At her insistence her husband established offices with staffs of officials-previously granted only to sons of the emperor-for his sister and his daughters in 706. In 709 Wei requested that Zhongzong grant women the right to bequeath hereditary privileges to their sons, previously a male prerogative only” (p. 6).
Under the rule of Empress Wei, the empire began offering new rights to women. However, Wei’s daughters took advantage of the situation. As a result considerable political corruption erupted during this time period. Wei’s daughters were subsequently removed from power by individuals dedicated to the development of the T’ang Dynasty. Wei subsequently lost favor with the T’ang loyalists and was forced to commit suicide in 713 (Benn, 2002). Although Wei had sought to increase the power of women in politics, the actions of her daughters in the empire appear to have brought considerable shame to the Wei family. As such, the advancement for women that had been procured during this time had been corrupted by the actions of Wei’s daughters.
Empress Dowager Tz’u-hsi
The history that follows that of Empress Wei suggests that there were few women in China capable of recapturing what Empress Wu and Empress Wei had created. As such, it is not surprising to find that women did not make a substantial impact on the development of history and culture until the nineteenth century. During this time period Empress Dowager came to power. Reviewing how Empress Dowager came into power, Chien-Nung, Ingalls and Teng (1956) note that in 1861 Emperor Hsien-feng died. Because his wife had not borne him nay male children, the male son of one of his concubines was selected to take over the throne. Tsai-ch’un, the son of Empress Dowager Tz’u-hsi, was placed on the throne at the age of 5. Although administrators of Emperor Hsien-feng controlled the state in the early years of Tsai-ch’un’s rule, Hsien-feng’s widow and Empress Dowager Tz’u-hsi resented the usurpation of power that had occurred.
In an effort to recapture the rule of the state, Empress Dowager Tz’u-his set forth to ensure that her son would follow her lead. However, when Emperor Tsai-ch’un died at the age of 18, this left Empress Dowager Tz’u-his with no real means to govern the state. In order to fill the gap left by Emperor Tsai-ch’un, Empress Dowager Tz’u-his called for a replacement that was only 13-years of age, Emperor Kuang-hsü. By keeping a puppet Emperor on the throne, Empress Dowager Tz’u-his was able to maintain control of the government:
Tz’u-hsi gave rein to her passions without limit, and allowed her favorite eunuchs to participate in government. Gradually high officials within and without the capital were reduced to ingratiating themselves with her favorites in order to maintain power and position. […] From this time to the end of the Ch’ing dynasty, the real power of the central government was actually wielded by a woman and a few eunuchs (p. 91).
When the rule of Empress Dowager Tz’u-his is examined another trend in the cultural development of women can be seen. Empress Dowager Tz’u-his, much like many of her predecessors, was able to garner control of the kingdom by using the weakness of the Emperor as a central means to assert authority. Empress Dowager Tz’u-his came to power only because she was the only individual that had given the late-Emperor a son. Although her son was the official head of the state, he was too young to effectively rule the country. For this reason, Empress Dowager Tz’u-his was able to take control of the state. Even though her son was the official ruler, Empress Dowager Tz’u-his had established formal control of the state. In the wake of her son’s death at the age of 18, Empress Dowager Tz’u-his installed another puppet emperor, so that she could retain the power that she had garnered. In the end, Empress Dowager Tz’u-his was able to assume control of the state because of her ability to manipulate the male emperors that were officially in charge.
Women in Modern China
As the history of modern China clearly shows, the culture that had been developed in this context was quite restrictive to women. Despite considerable restrictions however, some women were able to make notable strides toward advancing the social and cultural power and authority of women. With this mind, it is helpful to consider how these women have impacted the development of women in modern China.
Wolf (1985) in her examination of the development of women in modern China is quick to note that while there are a host of traditional rules and customs that still mitigate the role and action of women in China, women have taken a more proactive role in carving out a clear “space” for themselves. For instance, Wolf note that the Three Obediences that govern the behavior of women are still in place. These Obediences include: “as an unmarried girl a woman must obey her father and her brothers; as a married woman she must obey her husband; and as a widow she must obey her adult sons” (p. 2). Despite the existence of these unwritten social customs, Wolf goes on to note that women in China have taken it upon themselves to develop a more stable existence. “Women, in their struggle for some security in their day-to-day existence with the all-powerful male-oriented family and its larger organization, the lineage, worked like termites hollowing out from within places for themselves and their descendants” (p. 11). Wolf asserts that to combat the patriarchy of society, women have attempted to build family structures that could outweigh the importance of the social and cultural norms.
Much like the Empresses that wielded power over the husbands through their dominant personalities, the women of modern China are attempting to create stronger familial ties that will enable them to garner some control over both their families and their individual lives. By building strong relationships with both their husbands and their male sons, women are now seeking to create for themselves a high degree of equality in their familial relationships. While the specific rules that govern the action and behaviors of women are still an integral and important part of women’s lives, women have been able to garner more control on the context of their family life. This has created a high degree of stability for women in China. Thus, it does indeed appear as if Chinese women are taking cues from the dominant women of the past. Women in China are beginning to learn that even though society is structured in a patriarchal manner, this does not mean that some degree of control can not be acquired in the context of the family unit.
When placed in this context, it seems reasonable to argue that while women remain a subordinate group in modern China, they have been able to make notable gains toward improving their position in society. Interestingly, when these advancements are examined in the context of the advancements made by Empresses of the past-such as Empress Wu and Empress Dowager Tz’u-his-it is evident that there are striking correlations in behavior. Women of the past and the present have been able to control their lives and their families by asserting a quite pressure that allows the dominant male to remain in place. Through this process women are able to carve out niches for themselves that provide them with a sense of security. Further women are able to make critical decisions by manipulating the behaviors and actions of their husbands and sons. Thus, while women are not formally in control, it is evident that they wield considerable power over their husbands and sons. This power translates into the ability to garner control and stability in a culture that does little to protect the needs and rights of the female.
Conclusion
When all of the data and information presented in this investigation is summarized, the end result is a striking picture of women in China. Despite the establishment and hegemonization of male dominance in Chinese culture, Chinese women have proven themselves to be formidable competitors for social power and authority. Although women have not had the privilege of acquiring power in a straightforward manner that allows for their complete control in a given situation, it is evident that women have developed methods that enable them to effectively manipulate familial males. This process has allowed some women to rise to extraordinary power in China. For the most part however, this process has enabled women in China to live with the peace of mind that they are able to have their needs met and their voices heard. Thus, even though women have not garnered considerable power outright, they have been able to make critical changes to improve the overall context of their daily lives.
Clearly, the social and cultural dynamics that have been developed in the context of modern China are quite unique. The patriarchal system, which favors the needs and desires of men, is one that creates weak men incapable of managing their day-to-day lives. Rather than seeking to dominate men and remove them form power, women have made the decision to perpetuate the system and work within the system to ensure their happiness and security. When placed in this context, it is evident that the system of gender power balance that has developed in China is notable unique. Women have actively chosen to leave men in the dominant role. However, women have been able to successfully manipulate men and allow them to believe that they are actually in control.
Even though this culture is one that is truly unique given the strong patriarchal society that has been created in China, it is obvious that it works for everyone involved. Thus, it is not surprising to find that women have not made significant gains in changing social and cultural discourse in China. Women are not actively seeking to overhaul society. Rather they are simply looking to uphold the status quo while still ensuring that their needs are met.
References
Benn, C. (2002). Daily Life in Traditional China: The Tang Dynasty. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press.
Chien-Nung, L., Ingalls, J., & Teng, S. (1956). The Political History of China, 1940-1928. Princeton, NJ: Van Nostrand.
Knapp, B.L. (1992). Images of Chinese Women: A Westerner’s View. Troy, NY: Whitston Publishing.
Mackerras, C., & Tung, C. (1987). Drama in the People’s Republic of China. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press.
Michael, F. (1986). China Through the Ages: History of a Civilization. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.
Wei, F.C.M. (1947). The Spirit of Chinese Culture. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons.
Wolf, M. (1985). Revolution Postponed: Women in Contemporary China. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.
